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DTSTART:20241103T020000
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UID:calendar.3424.events_uoft_date.0@www.religion.utoronto.ca
CREATED:20240913T183353Z
DESCRIPTION:\nWhen and Where: \nWednesday, September 25, 2024 2:00 pm to 
 4:00 pm \n JHB 318 \n Jackman Humanities Building \n 170 St George Street\
 , Toronto ON M5R 2M8 \n\nSpeakers \nSchirin Amir-Moazami (Institute of Isl
 amic Studies, Freie Universität Berlin) \n\nDescription: \nIn a speech at
  the Knesset in 2008 on the occasion of the 60s anniversary of the foundin
 g of the state of Israel, then chancellor Angela Merkel spelled out publi
 cly what had unofficially turned into a doctrine since the late 1950s in p
 ost-war Western Germany: “Every federal government and every chancellor be
 fore me was committed to Germany’s special historical responsibility for I
 srael’s security. This historical responsibility is part of my country’s r
 eason of state. For me as German Chancellor, therefore, Israel’s securit
 y will never be open to negotiation.”Ever since, political authorities ac
 ross almost all political spectra have not missed any opportunity to reite
 rate their commitment to the Staatsräson (reason of state). On the level o
 f foreign policy, the long-established military cooperation with Israel h
 ave been continuously intensified, diplomatic relations as well as educat
 ional and academic partnerships have gradually amplified (Asseburg and Bus
 se 2011; Marwecki 2024: chap. 4).  In the fall of 2023, following the at
 tacks of Hamas in the South of Israel, most political authorities repeate
 d that “Israel and its security” will remain “German Staatsräson and a lei
 tmotiv for our actions.” Numerous actors ranging from journalists to repre
 sentatives of the German-Israeli Society to those of academic institutions
  joined the chorus and emphasized that it was time to translate the Staats
 räson into “tangible action”. This announcement has contributed to tempora
 rily suspend existing basic laws such as freedom of assembly, freedom of 
 speech or academic freedom, to overlook international law like the variou
 s decisions by the International Court of Justice on the plausibility of g
 enocide committed by Israel, or to create new laws (Traverso 2024), like
  the required confession of “Israel’s right to existence” for candidates a
 pplying to German nationality.In its unconditional, indefinite promise to
  Israel’s security, Germany’s Staatsräson has not only been complicit wit
 h the destruction of Gaza, expulsions and mass killings of Palestinians,
  legitimized as “self-defense” or as the “war against Hamas”. It has also 
 contributed to unleash and sustain far-reaching security measures and tech
 nologies of surveillance on the domestic level, including the control of 
 knowledge production and circulation. In this paper I will analyze the Sta
 atsräson as a security dispositive while paying particular attention at it
 s implications for the securitization of knowledge production. I will unfo
 ld three interrelated arguments.First, as a way of thinking and acting th
 at is oriented at the “absolute value of the state and the idea of soverei
 gn state power” (Rumpf 1980: 174) the Staatsräson enables the state to exe
 mpt from the rule of law at any time, if the security is considered at ri
 sk (Rumpf 1980; Michaels 2023). Even if by definition based on the virtue
  of reflexive reasoning, the Staatsräson can therefore turn into a repres
 sive instrument that is first and foremost based in the interests of the (
 nation) state – or of another state for that matter.Second, it is precise
 ly because of its extra-legal character and its vagueness that the Staatsr
 äson has triggered technologies of securitization which are first and fore
 most based on the menace of sanction and preventive repression. Because li
 beral freedoms are simultaneously praised, internal rebuke and public def
 amation have been the most common ways to delegitimize certain scholars or
  to discredit entire scholarships – like postcolonial studies – as complic
 it with “anti-Semitism”.The weaponization of (Israel related) “anti-Semiti
 sm” reveals intimate connections to the “war against terror”, which has c
 yclically deployed its racializing logics since 9/11. Not everybody is thu
 s equally targeted through the reason of state and its security apparatus.
  Arab, Muslim and especially Palestinian scholars and students are consid
 ered particularly suspicious. In a third step, I therefore argue that the
  securitization of knowledge and its surveilling practice are neither unpr
 ecedented nor merely effected by the particular Staatsräson of Israel’s se
 curity. Instead, they are animated by an epistemic order whose roots are 
 colonial. \n\nSponsors \nUniversity of Toronto Institute of Islamic Studie
 s \n170 St George Street, Toronto ON M5R 2M8 \n\nCategories \n Workshop 
 \n\nAudiences \n U of T CommunityGraduate StudentsUndergraduate Students
DTSTART;TZID=America/Toronto:20240925T140000
DTEND;TZID=America/Toronto:20240925T160000
LAST-MODIFIED:20240913T183353Z
LOCATION:170 St George Street, Toronto ON M5R 2M8
SUMMARY:“Reason of State” and the Securitization of Knowledge Production on
  Palestine/Israel in Germany
URL;TYPE=URI:https://www.religion.utoronto.ca/events/%E2%80%9Creason-state%
 E2%80%9D-and-securitization-knowledge-production-palestineisrael-germany
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